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Ativismo subnacional e conflitos no
governo de Jair Bolsonaro: uma análise
das ações dos estados brasileiros na
agenda dos Objetivos de Desenvolvimento
Sustentável (ODS) em 2019
Subnational activism and conflicts within Jair Bolsonaro’s
government: an analysis of the Brazilian states’ actions in the
Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) agenda during 2019
Activismo subnacional y conflictos en el gobierno de Jair
Bolsonaro: un análisis de las acciones de los estados
brasileños en la agenda de los Objetivos de Desarrollo
Sostenible (ODS) en 2019
Débora Figueiredo Mendonça do Prado1
Cairo Gabriel Borges Junqueira2
Ana Carolina Evangelista Mauad3
DOI: 10.5752/P.2317-773X.2021v9.n3.p114
Recebido em: 25 de agosto de 2020
Aprovado em: 21 de outubro de 2021
R
O artigo analisa o engajamento internacional dos governos subnacionais
brasileiros na agenda dos Objetivos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável (ODS)
durante o primeiro ano do governo Bolsonaro com destaque para a atuação dos
governos estaduais brasileiros na defesa do eixo ambiental. Argumentamos que
os governos subnacionais têm tido forte ativismo na defesa desta agenda inter-
nacionalmente, ao contrário do governo federal, gerando tensionamentos com
a política externa. Para isto, a pesquisa analisa a atuação destes atores no âmbito
dos Consórcios Nordeste e da Amazônia Legal.
Palavras-chave: ODS, governos subnacionais, Bolsonaro.
AbstrAct
The article analyzes the international engagement of Brazilian subnational
governments in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) agenda during the
rst year of Bolsonaro’s government with an emphasis on the role of states in
supporting the environmental axis. We argue that subnational governments
have been strongly active in defending this agenda internationally, unlike the
1. Professor at the International Rela-
tions Department – Federal University of
Uberlandia (IERI/UFU). PhD in Internatio-
nal Relations at PhD in Political Science
from State University of Campinas
(UNICAMP) funded by CAPES. Member
of National Institute of Science and
Technology for Studies on the United
States (INCT / INEU) and co-director of
the Gender and International Relations
Study Group (GENERI UFU). Contact:
deboraprado@ufu.br
2. Professor at the International Rela-
tions Department – Federal University of
Sergipe (DRI/UFS). PhD in International
Relations at San Tiago Dantas Program
(UNESP/UNICAMP/PUC-SP) funded by
CAPES. Deputy Coordinator of the Regio-
nalism Observatory (ODR) and member
of the Núcleo de Estudos de Políticas
Públicas (NEPPs), the Grupo de Reflexión
sobre Integración y Desarrollo en Amé-
rica Latina y Europa (GRIDALE) and the
Fórum Universitário Mercosul (FoMerco).
Contact: cairogbj@academico.ufs.br
3. Ana holds a PhD in International
Relations from the Universidade de
Brasília (IREL/UNB) and is currently as-
sistant professor at Facultad de Ciencias
Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales at
Pontificia Universidad Javeriana (Bogo-
tá/Colombia). She is also coordinator of
a research group called “Semillero de In-
vestigación Medioambiente y Relaciones
Internacionales”. Contact: evangelista-
mauad.ana@javeriana.edu.co
115
Débora Figueiredo Mendonça do Prado, Cairo Gabriel Borges Junqueira, Ana Carolina Evangelista Mauad Avismo subnacional e conitos no governo de Jair Bolsonaro:
uma análise das ações dos estados brasileiros na agenda dos Objevos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável (ODS) em 2019
federal government, generating foreign policy tensions. Therefore, the research
analyzes the performance of these actors in the scope of the Northeast and the
Legal Amazon Consortia.
Keywords: SDGs, subnational governments, Bolsonaro.
R
El artículo analiza el compromiso internacional de los gobiernos subnaciona-
les brasileños en la agenda de los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible (ODS)
durante el primer año del gobierno de Bolsonaro, destacando el papel de los
gobiernos estatales brasileños en la defensa del eje ambiental. Argumentamos
que los gobiernos subnacionales han estado fuertemente activos en la defensa
de esta agenda internacionalmente, a diferencia del gobierno federal, generando
tensiones con la política exterior. La investigación analiza el desempeño de estos
actores en el ámbito de los Consorcios Nordeste y Amazonia Legal.
Palabras clave: ODS, gobiernos subnacionales, Bolsonaro.
Introduction
The approval of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015
by the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) initiated a debate re-
garding new ways to address underdevelopment by incorporating a sus-
tainable perspective. Furthermore, it pushed national states to propose
domestic public policies considering the 17 SDG goals and to reshape
their international discourse. At the same time, for countries with a fe-
deralist political structure, the implementation of the SDGs demanded
coordination with their subnational governments, as it was the case of
Brazil. However, as political polarization increased in Brazil with the pre-
sidential election of Jair Bolsonaro in late 2018, we were able to observe
a conict between national and subnational governments in the country
relating to the SDGs. Furthermore, this discourse polarization had impli-
cations in the implementation of the agenda, both nationally and locally.
Bolsonaro won the presidential election in 2018 amidst a political
conjuncture of instability in Brazil, mainly due to political parties’ dispu-
tes, maintenance of corruption cases, increased unemployment, and cla-
shes between the three republican powers. In the meantime, the federal
government adopted a foreign policy reorientation called “New Foreign
Policy” that is reshaping Brazil’s role at the international level.
We argue in this paper that Brazilian subnational governments
have carried out strong activism in defense of the environmental agenda,
both domestically and internationally, as opposed to the conduct adop-
ted by the federal government. In this context, states and municipalities
continued implementing international articulations as they had done for
decades, but in this new conjuncture that brought some new features,
especially regarding this agenda. Intending to map and understand this
scenario, we propose an analysis of the federal and state governments’
positions regarding SDGs during the year 2019.
To do so, this article is divided into three sections. The rst one dis-
cusses how the environmental agenda has gained notoriety in recent de-
cades also due to the SDGs sponsored by the UN. Afterward, we analyze
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the activism of Brazilian subnational governments towards SDGs mainly
considering the new role represented by two public bodies namely the In-
terstate Consortium for Sustainable Development of the Northeast and the
Interstate Consortium of Sustainable Development of the Legal Amazon.
Finally, taking into account the debate concerning subnational actors and
federalism in Brazil, we point out the recent tensions between governors
and mayors with Bolsonaro’s presidency, ratifying our main argument that
in 2019 arose a strong antagonism among them regarding the environmen-
tal agendas and there is a tendency of this to continue in the short term.
The mapping of these positions was carried out thorough research
and analysis of the documents made available by the Interstate Consor-
tium for Sustainable Development of the Northeast and the Interstate
Consortium of Sustainable Development of the Legal Amazon; the ga-
thering of information, notes, and mentions about the SDGs published in
ocial Twitter accounts of the governors who are members of the Con-
sortia, that are freely translated here, as well as from secondary sources.
Sustainable Development Goals: a brief history
In chronological terms, the international debate regarding anthro-
pogenic interference in the environment represents an extremely recent
process. As Daniel Esty and Maria Ivanova (2005) point out, it was only in
the 1960s, the period called as the beginning of the “Modern Era” of en-
vironmental concerns, that issues involving water and air pollution, road
construction, channeling dams, deforestation, oil spills, among others,
have become important matters within multilateral organizations. Evol-
ving at a fast pace, the environmental agenda is no longer limited to a
domestic level and, at the end of the century, it already represented an in-
creasingly institutionalized global governance (ESTY E IVANONA, 2005;
O’NEILL, 2009). Actions ranging from the local level to initiatives at the
global scale, environmental issues were established with a multilevel pers-
pective (PATTBERG E WIDERBERG, 2015)but rather with reorganising
the overall relation between humans and natural systems. Empirically,
this is reected in the ever greater attention to questions of institutional
interactions (e.g. between the issue areas of economics and environment.
By 2015, the United Nations had already learned with the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs) that to ensure implementation, it had to foster
the participation of local governments and civil society organizations, the-
reafter, when the SDGs were launched, they were presented as a multiscale
enterprise that had to count with all the support possible, not only by natio-
nal states. Such a process represented a gain in scale (SACHS, 2012).
At rst, a few states began to legitimize environmental policies
nationally. Secondly, as it aected the lives of all peoples, it became an
international concern. Simultaneously, the terms “development” and
“sustainability” gained great repercussions. The Brundtland Commis-
sion (1987) dened sustainable development as “the development that
meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of futu-
re generations to meet their own needs”. The concept was primarily su-
pported by the rst UN environmental conference in 1972 in Stockholm
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Débora Figueiredo Mendonça do Prado, Cairo Gabriel Borges Junqueira, Ana Carolina Evangelista Mauad Avismo subnacional e conitos no governo de Jair Bolsonaro:
uma análise das ações dos estados brasileiros na agenda dos Objevos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável (ODS) em 2019
and since then its meaning is shared among the international community
(O’NEILL, 2009; SPETH E HAAS, 2007).
In addition to the work launched in Stockholm in 1972, the sear-
ch for sustainable development gained momentum with the “Agenda 21”
signed by 179 countries during the second United Nations Conference
on Sustainable Development that took place in Rio de Janeiro in 1992.
This aim for dialogue and institutionalization of the agenda culminated
in 2000 at the UNGA with the formalization of the Millennium Develo-
pment Goals (MDGs), precisely to think about the beginning of the 21st
century, with the attempt to reduce extreme poverty by 2015 based on
eight goals: 1) eradicate extreme poverty and hunger; 2) achieve universal
primary education; 3) promote gender equality and empower women; 4)
reduce child mortality; 5) improve maternal health; 6) combat HIV/Aids,
malaria and other diseases; 7) ensure environmental sustainability and 8)
develop a global partnership for development.
In 2014, after reviewing its activities, the UN itself found that sa-
tisfactory results were achieved in terms of poverty reduction and gen-
der parity, while other goals such as reducing child mortality and basic
sanitation achieved results below expectations (SACHS, 2012). Thus, in
the following year, a new phase was launched, Agenda 2030, updating
the previous one and this time called the Sustainable Development Goals
(SDGs). The themes were expanded, divided into 169 targets, and inclu-
ded 17 objectives that came into force on the rst day of the year 2016 and
are expected to be in action until 2030.
The 17 goals established by the SDG are: 1) End poverty; 2) End
hunger through food security, nutritional improvement and sustainable
agriculture; 3) Guarantee a healthy life and promote well-being at all ages;
4) Ensure inclusive, equitable and quality education; 5) Promote gender
equality and empower women and girls; 6) Ensure the management and
availability of water and sanitation; 7) Guarantee access to energy for all;
8) Stimulate economic growth, employment and proper working condi-
tions; 9) Build resilient infrastructures, improve industrialization and in-
novation; 10) Reduce inequality;11) Make cities and human settlements
more inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable; 12) Guarantee sustainable
consumption and production patterns; 13) Combat climate change; 14)
Conserve the oceans, seas and marine resources; 15) Promote sustainable
use of ecosystems and forests, combat desertication, land degradation
and loss of biodiversity; 16) Stimulate a culture of peace, provide global
access to justice and build inclusive institution and 17) Strengthen the
global partnership around sustainable development (UN, 2015).
There was a process of increase and, at the same time, of articu-
lation between the dierent results to be achieved from the objectives.
However, one of the main aspects comes not only from this breadth of
agendas but from the dialogues put into practice. The SDGs were dis-
cussed at the UN General Assembly and, in addition to counting with
the participation of national government representatives, they were also
stimulated by civil society, representing a multilevel global governance
(ANDONOVA, BETSILL E BULKELEY, 2009; PATTBERG E WIDER-
BERG, 2016; SEYEDSAYAMDOST, 2019)
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In the words of Sakiko Fukuda-Parr (2016), the transition from the
MDGs to the SDGs has at least three fundamental dierences in terms of
a) purposes, b) concepts, and c) policies. First, while the MDGs turned to a
worldview between north and south, the SDGs encompass a global agenda.
Secondly, the MDGs focused on combating poverty and the SDGs, in turn,
focus on sustainable development, as such. Finally, the MDGs were elabo-
rated basically by what the author calls “technocrats”, being far from the
realities to be aected or modied. In this sense, the SDGs respected politi-
cal negotiation between dierent states and multilateral deliberation more.
Complementing the previous analysis, it can be said that one of the
main fundamentals of the change from the MDGs to the SDGs was also
the decentralization of the participation of dierent actors in the process.
Social movements, epistemic communities, universities, Non-Govern-
mental Organizations (NGOs), advocacy networks and corporations, at
least in the last two decades, have gradually entered the proposed agendas.
This transformation happened also because development itself is thought
from the human point of view, increasingly closer to citizens. Conside-
ring the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a landmark, the
UN (2015) points out that the SDGs: “[...] seek to realize the human rights
of all and achieve gender equality and the empowerment of women and
girls. They are integrated, indivisible, and balance the three dimensions
of sustainable development: economic, social, and environmental.”
In addition to the actors and sectors mentioned above, subnational
governments have directly approached the SDGs, especially cities. Local
public participation in Conferences of the Parties (COP) is emphasized
at the heart of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Change (UNFCCC), for instance, the last COP 25 had the largest dele-
gation of local governments from Latin America (ICLEI, 2019). Equally,
The United Nations Conference on Housing and Sustainable Urban De-
velopment, mainly the third held in Ecuador in 2016 and called Habitat
III, highlighted this greater link, bringing ways of thinking about urban
settlements and local governments for the next two decades.
As a result of Habitat III, the New Urban Agenda (NUA) was signed
to reect the growing process of urbanization and city planning, since
projections indicate a rate of approximately 75% of the world population
will be living in urban areas by 2050 (SACHS et al, 2019). The document
reects mutual commitments between dierent actors and governmen-
tal levels, deals with the permanent search for sustainable development,
and empowers the United Nations Program for Human Settlements, UN-
-Habitat (2016). As written in the Declaration:
This New Urban Agenda rearms our global commitment to sustainable urban
development as a decisive step towards achieving sustainable development in an
integrated and coordinated manner at the global, regional, national, subnational
and local level, with the participation of all relevant actors (UN-HABITAT, 2016,
p. 09, emphasis added).
Thus, the multilevel articulation highlighted in the previous quote
is a necessary characteristic to think about both the NUA and the SDGs.
This interconnection is the representation of a broader axis of action to
the SDG 11 namely “Sustainable Cities and Communities”. This state-
ment is supported by the analysis of Jerey Sachs et al (2019), in which
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Débora Figueiredo Mendonça do Prado, Cairo Gabriel Borges Junqueira, Ana Carolina Evangelista Mauad Avismo subnacional e conitos no governo de Jair Bolsonaro:
uma análise das ações dos estados brasileiros na agenda dos Objevos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável (ODS) em 2019
the authors list ve central lines for thinking about the SDGs. One of
the areas of transformation is precisely about sustainable cities in terms
of basic sanitation and drinking water, urban mobility and ecient use
of resources. The initiatives and possibilities are broad, SDG 11 acquires
relevance, but subnational governments have a broad role in all goals,
and it is worth pointing out some actions by Brazilian federative entities,
that is, municipalities and states, capable of stimulating the 2030 Agenda.
A review of Brazilian states’ recent positions towards the SDGs
In addition to the articulation of cities around the SDGs agenda,
two recent initiatives created by Brazilian federated states seek to stimu-
late this debate: the Interstate Consortium for Sustainable Development
of the Northeast and the Interstate Consortium of Sustainable Develop-
ment of the Legal Amazon. The rst one is composed by all northeastern
governments and the second by all states in the northern region with
the addendum of Mato Grosso and Maranhão, being instituted almost
concurrently with the Northeast Consortium, at the end of March 2019
during the Forum of Governors of the Legal Amazon aiming primarily
at “[...] capturing of resources for sustainable projects with national and
international nancial organizations” (BRANDINO, 2019).
Regarding the Northeast Consortium, Clementino (2019) empha-
sizes its novelty, as it is the rst consortium of Brazil among federal states
when analyzing the relevance for the construction of articulations at the
local, regional and global levels. The author also identies the Northeast
Consortium as a territorial political pact and political alignment between
the nine states and their governors, and all current governors opposed
to the federal government. Public consortium, in their intermunicipal
or interstate typologies, represent management instruments that enable
articulations between dierent public policies and dierent government
levels in stimulating cooperation (LOSADA E SADECK, 2015, p. 47). Cre-
ated by law, these consortia generate a new legal entity to carry out their
actions. In a press interview, the current president of the Amazon Con-
sortium, Governor Waldéz Góes, highlighted the new legal personality
of the consortium as an alternative path for new investments and cooper-
ation projects in the Amazon (GÓES, 2019).
The creation of this consortium occurs at a time of greater activism
by governors on the environmental agenda, in contrast to the positions
and policies adopted by the federal government in this area that weak-
ened the Ministry of the Environment, downplaying the climate change
agenda (TRIGUEIRO, 2019; FRANCHINI et al., 2020). Such positions are
linked to the anti-globalist discourse adopted by the Brazilian diplomacy
during Bolsonaro’s government, which begins to criticize and attack the
actions of international institutions, such as the United Nations (UN).
For instance, Brazil gave up on hosting COP 25, and the current
minister of environment, Ricardo Salles, demonstrated the intention to
cancel the UN Latin American and Caribbean Week on Climate Change
(Climate Week) in Salvador. Mr. Salles even mocked the event by point-
ing out that the meeting would be an “opportunity” for the group to
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“go sightseeing in Salvador” and “eat acarajé” (UOL, 2019). This posi-
tion generated disagreements with the mayor of the city, Antônio Carlos
Magalhães Netto, contrary to the idea, nally weakening the posture of
the federal government once the event was maintained and hosted by
Salvador in August 2019.
Another decision of the Brazilian government against the imple-
mentation of the SDGs targets was Veto No. 61/2019 (CONGRESSO NA-
CIONAL, 2019) of the Presidency in the Multiannual Plan of the Union
(PPA), thus excluding the pursuit of the SDGs of the Multiannual Plan
2020-2023 (LAW NO. 13,971, 2019). The PPA is one of the main instruments
of public policy planning of the federal government and this was the only
stretch vetoed by Bolsonaro. The president also stated on his Twitter ac-
count that “the 2030 Agenda of the United Nations (UN) includes the ‘ne-
farious ideology of gender and abortion’ (VALOR ECONÔMICO, 2019).
To that end, Amazon is a central issue. The region occupied a prom-
inent position in the national and international media during 2019, main-
ly due to the increase in deforestation and the res recorded in the region.
According to data from the National Institute for Space Research (INPE),
which uses and develops satellites to monitor deforestation and livestock
activities in the “Amazon Mission” project (INPE, 2019), the year recorded
almost 90,000 res, representing a 30% increase compared to 2018.
Soon after the release of the data, the country was heavily criti-
cized in multilateral forums and donations from Norway and Germany
to the Amazon Fund were suspended. This Fund has developed actions
and projects against deforestation since 2008, having raised donations
in the amount of R$ 3.4 billion, corresponding to U$ 1.3 billion, from
Norway (93.8%) and Germany (5.7%) and Petrobras (0.5%) (FUNDO
AMAZÔNIA, 2018). The graphic ahead shows the numbers:
Graphic 1 - Amount of donations received by the Amazon Fund (R$ Million, accumulated)
Source: Fundo Amazônia (2018:13)
The reaction of the federal government and the states to the suspen-
sion of donations was quite dierent. President Jair Bolsonaro downplayed
the importance of resources for the country and suggested Norway should
use the resource to reforest Germany. In contrast, the region’s governors
have publicly expressed concerns about the escalation of deforestation and
res and reinforced the Fund’s importance for regional development. It is
important to highlight that the cancellation of the Fund had a much grea-
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Débora Figueiredo Mendonça do Prado, Cairo Gabriel Borges Junqueira, Ana Carolina Evangelista Mauad Avismo subnacional e conitos no governo de Jair Bolsonaro:
uma análise das ações dos estados brasileiros na agenda dos Objevos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável (ODS) em 2019
ter impact on the state level. In December 2018, the Amazon Fund had
103 supported projects in its portfolio, accumulating R$ 1,860,881,542.00
(FUNDO AMAZÔNIA, 2018). Nine projects were carried out in partner-
ship with the Federal Government, twenty-two with the states and seven
with the municipalities, as presented in the graphic below:
Graphic 2 - Number of projects supported, by legal nature of the responsible
Source: Fundo Amazônia (2018:40)
The graphic below shows the number of projects supported and
the percentage value of total support, by state. The states that had the
greatest nancial support from the Legal Amazon were Pará, Amazonas,
Mato Grosso, and Acre:
Graphic 3 - Number of projects supported, and percentage value of total support, by state:
Source: Fundo Amazônia (2018:40)
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Afterwards, in August 2019, during the 18th Forum of Governors
of the Legal Amazon, the governors issued an alert to the Federal Gov-
ernment about illegal deforestation in the region (BARBALHO, 2019)
lamenting that “the positions of the Brazilian government have caused
the suspension of resources” (CONGRESSO EM FOCO, 2019) and o-
cially informed the President of the Republic and the Embassies of Nor-
way, Germany and France that the Consortium would seek a direct dia-
logue with the Fund’s nancing countries.
Pursuing their promises, in September, the governors who were
members of the Legal Amazon Consortium organized meetings in
Brasília with the ambassadors of Germany, Norway, and the United King-
dom to discuss the nancing of policies to combat deforestation to rees-
tablish the transfers to the Amazon Fund. At that time, the establishment
of direct transfers to state governments (O GLOBO, 2019). On this occa-
sion, the President of the Consortium, Waldez Góes (AP) highlighted the
possibility of Banco da Amazônia directly managing donations (O GLO-
BO, 2019). Another possibility discussed at the meeting was the signing of
agreements and covenants individually with each state. The Government
of Pará, for example, already has a direct nancial contribution contract
with the German development bank KfW signed in June in the amount
of R$ 55.2 million (DIÁRIO DE PERNAMBUCO, 2019).
In an interview on the topic, Governor Helder Barbalho (MDB)
pointed out the role of the state in the issue: “If this will be done through
federal articulation, we are not against this. Now, we are not going to be
behind this”. Direct negotiation with donors was also defended by the
governor of Mato Grosso, Mauro Mendes, who received representatives
from three European countries and defended the decentralization of re-
sources by arguing that management can be done directly by the states.
The state of Amazonas has sought to expand investments with the KfW
bank and other international supporters who are interested in helping
to protect the Amazon, such as France. In a press interview, Governor
Wilson Lima (PSC), highlighted: “We respect this issue of the federal
government, but we will, as far as possible, establish these international
partnerships, understanding what a priority within our public policy is”
(DIÁRIO DE PERNAMBUCO, 2019).
In September, intensifying their opposition in relation to the fede-
ral discourse, the governors of the Legal Amazon and Northeast Con-
sortia made a series of international trips to discuss the possibilities of
cooperation and nancing for the region. At the Vatican, the governors
participated in the 1st Summit of the governors of the states of Pan-Ama-
zon. During the ocial trips, the president of the Amazon Consortium,
Governor Helder Barbalho (PA), announced the meeting highlighting
the opportunity to present the state’s commitments to sustainable deve-
lopment in the region (BARBALHO, 2019). As it can be observed, the go-
vernors were not shy in promoting their proposals abroad while stressing
the negative side of Bolsonaro’s environmental policies.
Governors Wellington Dias (PI), and Flávio Dino (MA) were the re-
presentatives of the Northeast Consortium (DIAS, 2019). Addressing the
topic, they highlighted the state’s participation in the implementation of
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Débora Figueiredo Mendonça do Prado, Cairo Gabriel Borges Junqueira, Ana Carolina Evangelista Mauad Avismo subnacional e conitos no governo de Jair Bolsonaro:
uma análise das ações dos estados brasileiros na agenda dos Objevos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável (ODS) em 2019
the Paris Agreement regarding climate actions (CIDADE VERDE, 2019),
reinforced their commitment to the 2030 Agenda (CARTA CAPITAL, 2019)
and the role of the Northeast Consortium in environmental management.
Following the visit to the Vatican, the group went on to Germany
and held meetings with the German Ministry for Cooperation and De-
velopment (BARBALHO, 2019) to discuss investment possibilities for the
preservation of the Amazon. In the same direction, while in Brazil, the
governors met with ambassadors from the European Union in October
to discuss the agenda for sustainable development and nancing possibili-
ties, as highlighted by the announcement by the president of the Amazon
Consortium: “today we are at the second meeting with the ambassadors
of Germany, Norway, and the United Kingdom. The technical meeting
seeks the resumption of the Amazon Fund and cooperation for new in-
vestments in the sustainable economy” (GÓES, 2019).
All of these actions were intended to be very public demonstra-
tions of opposition to the federal posture of confronting Germany and
Norway’s environmental history. While Bolsonaro would publish on his
Twitter account unsupported accusations to the Amazon Fund nance
management and declare that Brazil didn’t need the money, the gover-
nors were presenting a very dierent position, rearming the importan-
ce of those funds to maintain the preservation policies in the region and
the willingness to cooperate with the fund’s donors.
Another demonstration of the activism of Brazilian states on en-
vironmental issues took place at the Climate Summit organized by the
UN that preceded the organization’s General Assembly, during Septem-
ber. While President Bolsonaro opened the country’s speech at the UN
General Assembly criticizing what he called the interference of foreign
interests in the Amazon, taking an aggressive stance in strengthening
the country’s sovereignty, with attacks on indigenous and environmental
NGOs, the governor of Pernambuco rearmed, in a parallel meeting, the
commitment of the Brazilian states to the Paris Agreement. Paulo Câma-
ra pointed out that “faced with the risks of retrogression on the part of our
national government, Brazilian states decide resolutely to assume their
role” (FOLHA DE SÃO PAULO, 2019a). The governor spoke on behalf of
11 Brazilian states and the Governors for Climate movement, which has
been mobilizing to ensure the implementation of climate policies and the
commitments assumed by the country in the Paris Agreement.
Also, in parallel to the president’s speech, the president of the Con-
sortium for the Legal Amazon, Waldez Góes, met with the president of
France, Emmanuel Macron, to discuss ways to maintain the nancing
of European countries for environmental protection programs. The
meeting was organized by the president of France, Colombia, and Chile,
without the ocial participation of Brazil4. Waldez defended the need
to participate in all forums by highlighting that the states end up being
primarily responsible for the problems. During the meeting, the French
government launched a “collective alliance” to help protect the Amazon
region by creating an investment fund. The initiative received the su-
pport of the governors who went against the conduct of the Bolsonaro
government that disagreed with the proposal. Previously, the president
4. Besides him, the governors of Mato
Grosso, Mauro Mendes (DEM), Acre,
Gladson Camelli (PP), and Amazonas,
Wilson Miranda (PSC), participated
in the discussions that followed the
Climate Summit.
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came to friction with Macron, which culminated in the Brazilian govern-
ment’s refusal to receive US $ 20 million oered by the G7 for the region
(UOL, 2019b) and once again, the governors were representing a comple-
tely dierent discourse abroad, exposing the domestic conict to everyo-
ne willing to understand what was happening in Brazil.
As can be expected, the engagement of states during the UN Sum-
mit was not well received by the federal government, which, under the
interference of the Foreign Ministry, acted to block Waldez’s speech, with
the governor participating in the meeting as a listener (FOLHA DE SÃO
PAULO, 2019b).
In its ocial statements, the Consortium of the Northeast does not
declare a direct opposition to the ideas and policies of President Jair Bol-
sonaro, even though it obviously has a negative bias regarding it. For-
med by the nine states in the region, it was created on March 14, 2019,
and it has been a coalition that has confronted the federal government in
many policies that are central to Bolsonaro’s agenda, such as the pension
reform and the disarmament statute. Among the initiatives of the Nor-
theast Consortium, we highlight the signing of a letter of cooperation
with the French government in the environmental area inuenced by
the SDGs, which took place in Paris. Seeking to raise funds and form
agreements with several countries - such as China and Germany -, the
partnership with France is aimed at protecting biodiversity, managing
waste, mobility, basic sanitation, among other issues (CEARÁ, 2019) that
meet the SDG 11.
As highlighted, the governors gathered in their new governance
arrangements seized every opportunity to publicly demonstrate their
opposition to Bolsonaro’s environmental policies and international dis-
course. What calls for attention is that these demonstrations took place
in international settings, exposing abroad the political domestic conict
that has in the sustainable development agenda its obvious tensions, but
exceeds this domain. This is a hallmark because the trajectory of Brazi-
lian subnational actors acting abroad was constructed based on some har-
monization with Brazil’s foreign policy. Nevertheless, what we observed
in the 2019 episodes described here is the rupture of that trajectory.
What to expect? Paradiplomacy and Federalism under the government
of Jair Bolsonaro
Subnational governments in Brazil, represented by states and mu-
nicipalities, have been active in international relations since the 1990s
(PRADO, 2018; JUNQUEIRA, 2017; RODRIGUES, 2008). Also known as
paradiplomacy, the international action of subnational governments has
played an important role in fostering the sustainable development agenda
amidst Brazilian local leaders and the SDGs helped framing their discou-
rse (MAUAD, 2019).
The concept of paradiplomacy is usually used by the literature to
designate cooperative and collaborative activities among subnational
and national governments (MICHELMANN E SOLDATOS, 1999). In
a dierent direction, breaking the cooperation dynamic understand by
125
Débora Figueiredo Mendonça do Prado, Cairo Gabriel Borges Junqueira, Ana Carolina Evangelista Mauad Avismo subnacional e conitos no governo de Jair Bolsonaro:
uma análise das ações dos estados brasileiros na agenda dos Objevos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável (ODS) em 2019
paradiplomacy, when subnational governments seek the separation and
independence of their central power, these actions are then catalogued as
protodiplomacy (DUCHACEK, 1990). However, the reality is more com-
plex than those concepts are able to grasp. In a gray area that still needs
further analytical and conceptual deepening (PRADO, 2018) the state ac-
tions generate tensions and constraints on the national government (FRY,
1998; DENNING E MCCALL, 2000) putting in check the interpretation
that the conduct of foreign policy is restricted to States.
This debate has gained special attention due to the interconnec-
tion with Federalism since it began to be included in the paradiplomacy
literature as a research subject by American scholars in the 1980s (KUZ-
NETSOV, 2015). Ron Watts (2002) says that the federalism system “[…]
provides a technique of constitutional organization that permits action
by a shared government for certain common purposes, together with au-
tonomous action by constituent units of government for purposes that re-
late to maintaining their distinctiveness […]”. This concurrence between
centralization and decentralization of powers in many countries like the
United States, Canada, Argentina, Germany, Belgium, and Mexico beca-
me a reasonable arena for paradiplomatic actions.
In Brazil, the Federalism system was consolidated by the redemo-
cratization process, marked by a new constitution promulgated in 1988.
The changes in the political structures established by the constitution
brought new directions to paradiplomacy. For example, Article 18 of the
Constitution ensured that federated states and municipalities were em-
powered because they were upgraded to be considered as federal bodies,
resulting in more autonomy. Onwards, we can observe a period of inten-
se development of Brazilian paradiplomacy, divided into double terms.
First, in the 1990s and 2000s, the central government stimulated the pa-
radiplomacy’s institutionalization through the creation of some bureau-
cracies such as Assessoria de Relações Federativas (ARF) and Subchea
de Assuntos Federativos (SAF), both controlled by the federal govern-
ment, respectively under the Foreign Aairs Ministry and the Presidency
(MIKLOS, 2011). And secondly, states and municipalities autonomously
developed their own bureaucratic and technical bureaucracies dedicated
to international relations.
In the case of Brazilian governors, even the search for the recovery
of the Amazon Fund that could be considered a paradiplomatic action
represents a position contrary to the federal government that refuses to
resume negotiations with donor countries, highlighting the need for the
literature to explore the gray area between paradiplomacy and protodi-
plomacy.
Contrary to the position adopted by the national government, Bra-
zilian governors5 maintained a signicant engagement in environmental
issues with participation in COP25 in Madrid (IN TIME, 2019; IMC, 2019)
presenting their proposals for sustainable development.
The domestic political conict was evident in Madrid during
COP25. The government of Pará presented the project “Amazônia Ag-
ora” (BARBALHO, 2019) and the government of Amapá presented the
platform for remuneration for environmental services, the program
5. Governors who attended the
meeting: Wanderlei Barbosa (Tocantins),
Wilson Lima (Amazonas), Paulo Câmara
(Pernambuco); Waldez Góes (Amapá)
and Gladson Cameli (Acre). Also atten-
ding the meeting were Senator Randolfe
Rodrigues and deputies Claudia Lelis
(Tocantins), Olyntho Neto (Tocantins)
and Rodrigo Agostinho (São Paulo)
(BARBOSA, 2019; CÂMARA, 2019; EM
TEMPO, 2019).
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estudos internacionais • Belo Horizonte, ISSN 2317-773X, v. 9, n. 3, (set. 2021), p. 114-132
called Green Treasury (GÓES, 2019). Parallel meetings were held to seek
the possibility of donations and investments with countries such as Nor-
way and Germany (NEXO JORNAL, 2019). During the meeting, the pres-
ident of the Legal Amazon Consortium, Waldez Góes, sought to present
eorts to build a unied positioning of Brazil at COP25.
At that time, the governor cited the position of the president of
the Senate, Davi Alcolumbre, stressing that the support of the Brazilian
congress would be consolidated in a document with a unied position at
COP25 during a meeting at the Brazilian Embassy in Madrid.
However, it is possible to identify a critical position towards the
federal government by Brazilian governors and the congressperson. In
mentioning the preparatory meeting for COP25, the governor of Per-
nambuco, Paulo Câmara, rearmed the state’s commitment to the Pa-
ris Agreement and argued that “Closing your eyes and denying scien-
tic data will not make the problem go away. We need to recognize
reality and face what is there” (CÂMARA, 2019). There was no need to
say the name of the president so everyone present knew that Câmara
was directing his criticisms to the negationist position regarding clima-
te change showcased by Bolsonaro and his ministers of Environment
and Foreign Aairs.
Also during COP25 Governor Waldez Góes met with Norway’s
Minister of Climate and Environment to discuss the Amazon Fund
and the Amazon Consortium (GÓES, 2019) alongside Senator Randolfe
Rodrigues who spared no criticism of the federal government. From
an opposing party, the senator is known for his opposition to the gov-
ernment of Jair Bolsonaro. During the meeting, the senator rearmed
his opposition to the government, denounced the murder of two In-
digenous Guajajara in Maranhão and criticized the speech of Envi-
ronment Minister Ricardo Salles (RODRIGUES, 2019). In criticizing
Salles, the senator stated in a post on a social media: “Ricardo Salles
spoke at the height of his capacity at # COP25: none! (RODRIGUES,
2019). In addition to being the shortest participation of a government
representative, he did not present any project or even an idea of how
to end the environmental devastation represented by the Bolsonaro
government” (RODRIGUES, 2019). It was not just the governors who
met with potential donors. Deputy Rodrigo Agostinho also held meet-
ings to discuss expanding investments from Germany to the region.
On that occasion, he and Senator Randolfe Rodrigues met with the
German Ministry of Environment to discuss investment possibilities
for Brazil (RODRIGUES, 2019).
The Brazilian fragmentation was very evident during COP25.
Many governors also attended a meeting organized by “The governor’s
Climate & Forests Task Force” (GCF). Created in 2008 by nine gover-
nors of Brazil, governors of Indonesia and with the support of the UN,
the organization is the largest subnational collaboration network of
states and provinces with the goal to foster environmental protection
and reduce deforestation. The GCF Task Force was designed to advance
jurisdictional approaches to low-emissions development and Reducing
Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation (REDD +) (GCF
127
Débora Figueiredo Mendonça do Prado, Cairo Gabriel Borges Junqueira, Ana Carolina Evangelista Mauad Avismo subnacional e conitos no governo de Jair Bolsonaro:
uma análise das ações dos estados brasileiros na agenda dos Objevos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável (ODS) em 2019
Task Force, 2020). The network currently includes jurisdictions in ten
countries: Brazil, Colombia, Indonesia, Ivory Coast, Nigeria, Peru, Spain,
and the United States.
Another meeting at the COP25 gathered the governors of Brazil,
Indonesia, Peru, and Mexico to discuss the possibilities of support for
the implementation of solutions on environmental issues with the Nor-
wegian Minister for Climate and Environment. Also present were the
Tropical Forest Alliance, and the GCF Task Force Global Committee for
Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities (GCF Task Force, 2019). Ac-
cording to Governor Helder Barbalho, the meetings with the GCF en-
abled the debate on sustainable development in the Amazon, ecological
zoning, and land regularization (BARBALHO, 2019).
The facts and cases reported above represent the strengthening of
the voice of subnational governments as opposed to central concerns. Ac-
cording to Rodrigues (2019), the 2030 Agenda and the SDGs gave a new
meaning to the “global-local” relations that leveraged subnational actions
in line with the federal government and even with Itamaraty. However,
this dynamic seems to be changing and the soft and bland paradiplomacy
ends up giving way to a hard and aggressive one.
Speaking volumes to our argument, the Minister of Environment,
Ricardo Salles, rejected signing the letter articulated by governors and
parliamentarians who defended the priority for states in the transfer of
funds negotiated at COP-25 (NEXO JORNAL, 2019). The conduct of the
federal government and subnational governments on environmental is-
sues seems increasingly distant. As highlighted by Ana Toni, executive
director of the Instituto Clima e Sociedade who participated in the Con-
ference: “the role that used to come from the government has now been
transferred to subnational actors, civil society, governors, mayors, the
private sector” (NEXO JORNAL, 2019).
Given the lack of leadership in the conduct of Brazilian foreign pol-
icy in this theme, with the adoption of contradictory, ideological and ne-
gationist positions, we can anticipate a greater role of subnational actors
followed by more tension between these spheres of power (PRADO E
JUNQUEIRA, 2020).
The engagement of Brazilian states with the formation of coali-
tions, as opposed to national foreign policy, brings approximations with
the North American case. The North American federalist model has
specicities that allow greater autonomy for states and has historical-
ly been characterized by a model marked by cooperation and conict
in intergovernmental relations between the federal government and
subnational actors. On the environmental theme, there is a strong per-
formance of American states, mostly Democrats, with the formation of
state coalitions committed to the Paris Agreement and the sustainable
development agenda in clear conict with a conduct adopted by the
Donald Trump administration (PRADO; LOPES, 2019). Although the
Brazilian institutional design is distinct from the North American, it is
possible to identify elements that point to a more conictual federalism
between the federal government and subnational actors during the Jair
Bolsonaro government.
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estudos internacionais • Belo Horizonte, ISSN 2317-773X, v. 9, n. 3, (set. 2021), p. 114-132
Final remarks
This research sought to analyze the conict between Brazilian sub-
national governments and the federal government during the year 2019
regarding the sustainable development agenda, with emphasis on the
SDGs and specically on the environmental axis. With this perspective,
we could observe that Brazilian states have been gaining greater promi-
nence in the defense of the sustainable development agenda boosted by
the creation of new articulations, such as the Northeast and the Legal
Amazon Consortia. These governance arrangements rearm a more ac-
tive, reactive and opposition stance on the federal government’s stance,
which in 2019 created friction with traditional international partners.
Under Jair Bolsonaro’s administration, governors have adop-
ted greater activism in this theme, generating the tensions observed
throughout this research, challenging the limits of traditional concepts of
paradiplomacy and protodiplomacy, imposing a new reading of Brazilian
federalism. Among the main tensions, we can highlight the divergence
of positions adopted by the states and the president in the face of the sus-
pension of the Amazon Fund and the performance of these two spheres
of power in the multilateral sphere, both at the UN Climate Conference
and at COP25. The Northeast and Amazon Consortia have been gaining
a prominent role in these articulations by bringing a propositional agen-
da at climate conferences and seeking greater dialogue with countries
that have received intense criticism from the federal government, such as
Germany, Norway, and France. The result is an international image of a
fragmented Brazil.
In the scenario of domestic conict exposed internationally, there
is an important political partisan character that cannot be ignored. As
Clementino (2019) analyzes, all the governors that joined the Northeast
Consortium are part of Bolsonaro’s opposition, which contributes to the
creation of new spaces of dispute both domestically and internationally.
As Rodrigues (2019) highlights, the Legal Amazon Consortium can also
be framed as a new dynamic of relative opposition to the federal gover-
nment guidelines. For example, in February 2020, the federal govern-
ment proposed the creation, by presidential decree, of the new National
Council of the Legal Amazon. In the decree, the president excluded the
governors of the region from the initiative. As a response, the president
of the Legal Amazon Consortium, Waldez Góes, reacted to the federal
government’s decision by arguing that the Council’s methodology should
consider local actors and civil society (UOL, 2020). In this sense, there
are elements that point to a clash due to the political-party polarization.
In line with the hypothesis raised by Schiavon (2010) when analyzing the
involvement of Mexican subnational governments, we observe that there
is a greater role for federative entities whose governor’s party diers from
the president due to divergences of interests and preferences.
Finally, this Bolsonaro’s government decision is linked to the need
to respond to criticisms regarding the absence of concrete measures to
tackle deforestation and the res in the Amazon, but it also represents an
attempt to empty the role of state Consortia as well as to reduce the par-
129
Débora Figueiredo Mendonça do Prado, Cairo Gabriel Borges Junqueira, Ana Carolina Evangelista Mauad Avismo subnacional e conitos no governo de Jair Bolsonaro:
uma análise das ações dos estados brasileiros na agenda dos Objevos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável (ODS) em 2019
ticipation of governors in themes concerning sustainable development.
It is a desperate measure to attempt to recentralize the decisions and the
power under the federal government, once again challenging the decen-
tralized federalism established by the 1988 constitution.
Jair Bolsonaro’s attempt to dismiss the role of the Consortium of
the Legal Amazon by excluding governors from the National Council,
as well as to oppose to the policies adopted by the Northeast Consor-
tium, exposes the tendency to greater conict amidst both levels of go-
vernment and, at the same time, reinforces the relevance among these
governors that occupies an increasingly important political space. In this
sense, the year 2019 may be marked as the one that the historical of para-
diplomacy created by the decentralization of the 1988 constitution shifted
from cooperation to conict between the federal government and sub-
national governments, inaugurating a new dynamic that demands more
observation and analysis as the traditional concepts seem to fall short to
explain this new and more complex political scenario.
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