estudos internacionais • Belo Horizonte, ISSN 2317-773X, v. 11, n. 2, (jun. 2023), p. 113-117

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In Lebanon, sectarianism has been a

historically shaped framework dating

back to the Ottoman era. During this

period, religious communities, predo-

minantly Christian and Muslim, started

being treated as distinct and opposing

sociopolitical entities. Following the

attainment of Independence from France

in 1943 and the establishment of the

National Pact, sectarianism became

entrenched in the political landscape

through the implementation of the

consociational model, known as con-

fessionalism. This system involved the

distribution of power among politicians

from 18 officially recognized religious

communities (Makdisi 2000; Cammett,

2014).

delineates a distinction between revolutionary situations and revolutio-

nary outcomes. The former involves the political crisis context triggered

by the influence of a specific opposition movement, posing a challenge

to state power. On the other hand, the latter encompasses the successful

transfer of power to revolutionary actors (Tilly, 1978, p.190-193).

Tilly’s theory provides an intriguing framework for analyzing the

Lebanese context, particularly in light of the protests that have unfolded

in the country since 2011. During this period, an opposition movement

emerged, mobilizing new waves of protests in 2013, 2015, and culmina-

ting in its peak in 2019. Despite the fact that none of these episodes of po-

pular mobilization resulted in a complete transfer of power, the editors of

“Lebanon Uprisings of 2019” interpret these occurrences as revolutionary

situations due to their impact on Lebanese politics and society. Notably,

the work acknowledges that these revolutionary situations are not isola-

ted incidents; instead, their interconnected agendas reveal a deliberate re-

jection of Lebanon’s existing political system and economic model. This

repetition of agendas signifies an ongoing revolutionary process within

the country.

After the introductory theoretical discussion, the book shifts its fo-

cus to a second theme, exploring the recent historical context that has

shaped the development of opposition movements and the mobilization

of social protests since the Arab Sping. Given that the Lebanese

revolutionary pro- cess is essentially an anti-system struggle, the

chapters dedicated to this topic are crucial. They provide a historical

narrative, examining both political and economic aspects, to delineate

the features of the system that protesters aspire to dismantle.

Within the political domain, the authors explore the configuration

of sectarianism, constitutionally acknowledged as confessionalism2. Since

the country’s independence, this model has resulted in the establishment

of a sectarian elite that consolidates control over state resources and dis-

tributes them within their network of clients. As a result, a segment of

the population is deprived of basic rights. On the economic aspect, the

authors highlight the adoption of neoliberalism from the 1990s onward.

This economic framework, stressing decreased state regulation and limi-

ted social intervention, has sparked a succession of protests since its ini-

tiation (Baumann, 2016). Notably, amid the escalating crisis in 2019, dissa-

tisfaction with neoliberalism surged to unprecedented levels, serving as a

catalyst for the eruption of Thawra.

Continuing on this contextual theme, the book provides a notewor-

thy contribution to the study of revolutions by introducing the concept of

“neoliberal sectarianism,” as elucidated by Rima Majed in her examina-

tion of the political-economic landscape in both Lebanon and Iraq. Majed

emphasizes that neoliberal sectarianism is not merely a combination of

the sectarian political system and the neoliberal capitalist model; rather,

it emerges as a phenomenon constructed at the intersection of these two

forces. The author contends that, in the absence of state provisions for

social welfare and redistribution, coupled with the deregulation of labor

relations under neoliberalism, sectarian elites position themselves as the

exclusive alternative for certain sectors of society seeking security and

Rodrigo Ayupe Bueno da Cruz KARAM, Jeffrey; MAJED, Rima. The Lebanon Uprisings of 2019: Voices of Revolution

(Os Protestos de 2019 no Líbano: Vozes da Revolução) [Las Protestas de 2019 en el Líbano: Voces de la Revolución]. London: IB Taurus, 2023, 341 pages.

115

subsistence. Consequently, she argues that the revolutionary process in

these countries underscores how protesters express opposition not only

to the sectarian political system but also to the liberal economic model,

regardless of the terminology used to describe it (Majed, 2023, p.78).

A third crucial theme in the work focuses on the existence of

counter-revolutionary forces within Thawra. Several authors examine

various strategies employed by a sectarian elite to thwart the revolutio-

nary momentum and uphold the existing political and economic order.

Noteworthy among these strategies is repression, manifested through

either violence or legalistic discourse. Additionally, the political elite has

undertaken initiatives to “sectarianize” (Hashemi and Poster, 2016) revo-

lutionary forces, aiming to instigate sectarian opposition among protes-

ters. This is often achieved through the extension of social benefits in ex-

change for political support and the encouragement of opposition against

rival leaders. Lastly, one must consider the actions of opposing regional

and global powers that support their allies in Lebanese politics, thereby

serving as guardians of the status quo and acting as counter-revolutionary

forces in the country.

In the Lebanese context, it is essential to scrutinize the organi-

zation and activities of counter-revolutionary forces, as highlighted by

Jeffrey Karam, who argues that counter-revolution constitutes an inhe-

rent component of Lebanon’s revolutionary process (KARAM, 2023,

p.90). The author suggests that the mere presence or success of these

forces’ actions should not be automatically construed as a failure of the

revolution. Instead, the observed reality reflects a dialectical relationship

between these opposing forces. Consequently, embracing this dialectical

perspective towards the Lebanese revolution provides valuable insights

for analyzing social protests within the broader regional context, particu-

larly given the parallel nature of such phenomena across numerous arab

countries since the Arab Spring.

The fourth pivotal theme addressed in the book explores the various

strategies employed during the 2019 social protests. One of these tactics

involves the appropriation of specific urban locations by Thawra protes-

ters, such as squares, buildings, and monuments with national symbolic

significance. Through this method, protesters not only enhanced the vi-

sibility of their opposition movement but also practically established the

concept of a revolutionary community. The coexistence and interaction

in these public spaces served as a platform where “imaginaries of union

are rehearsed and experienced” (Harb, 2023, p. 109). Additionally, pro-

testers adopted the revolutionary strategy of blocking streets in various

parts of the country. According to Nizar Hassan, this proved to be “the

most prominent and undoubtedly the most impactful of the revolutio-

nary tactics as it paralyzed the country” (Hassan, 2023, p.174).

Another significant strategy employed by demonstrators, and one

that persists, involves the utilization of alternative media and digital

platforms to convey revolutionary ideas. Claudia Kozman, for instance,

illustrated how unconventional media acted as alternative information

sources, generating content that scrutinizes the power structures within

the country. Furthermore, various digital platforms and social networks

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played a crucial role in coordinating new protests and broadening civic

engagement among the Lebanese population, both in virtual spaces and

in the physical realm (Kozman, 2023, p.120-130).

As a fifth focal theme, the work is insightful for featuring a set of

chapters that analyze the contributions of social actors and political ac-

tivists, including women, unionized workers, environmental advocates,

and individuals with disabilities. Furthermore, international actors, such

as refugees residing in Lebanon and members of the Lebanese diaspora,

are acknowledged for their involvement in the protests to varying de-

grees. Overall, it is crucial to commend the chapters for placing emphasis

on illustrating that within the context of Thawra, there exists a conver-

gence between the distinct struggles of these movements and the overar-

ching resistance against the sectarian-neoliberal model.

The convergence of struggles among various social actors aligns

with Charles Tilly’s proposition, as referenced by the editors at the be-

ginning of the work, that revolutionary situations entail an opposition

coalition challenging state power (Karam and Majed, 4). Despite their

historical pursuit of collective rights tied to specific agendas (such as wo-

men, workers, and individuals with disabilities) since the country’s inde-

pendence, several authors in this work emphasize a distinctive feature

of Thawra: the expansion of alliances among these diverse groups into

an unprecedented anti-system coalition. However, the work also de-

monstrates that these coalitions were temporary within the context of

Thawra, as counter-revolutionary forces succeeded in sectarianizing and

undermining the movement.

As a comprehensive examination, “The Lebanon Uprisings of 2019”

stands as a work of significant analytical excellence, offering an in-depth

exploration of one of the most crucial events in the country’s recent his-

tory. This distinction arises from both its theoretical framework, which

scrutinizes Thawra within the procedural model of revolutions, and its

thematic exploration across chapters addressing the historical, political,

and economic context of the movement. The work further delves into the

dynamic interplay between revolution and counter-revolution, the prin-

cipal tactics employed during the protests, and the role played by diverse

social actors in shaping a revolutionary process in Lebanon. Significantly,

the excellence of the work stems not only from the scholarly chapters

but also from the narratives shared by the voices of the revolution. These

accounts are presented by political activists who intricately describe their

experiences on the ground.

Therefore, this book emerges as a vital reference for gaining in-

sights into the revolutionary process unfolding in Lebanon. Additionally,

The Lebanon Uprisings of 2019, with its theoretical perspective and ex-

tensive analysis, contributes substantively to the wider academic discus-

sions surrounding the “revolutions” across the Middle East and North

Africa following the Arab Spring.

In conclusion, the pronounced focus on the procedural dimension

of the Lebanese revolution in this work lays the groundwork for further

exploration of this topic in the post-Thawra era, particularly as the revolu-

tionary process endures in the country. Despite refraining from initiating